In Bangabandhu’s political philosophy, the word equality came as socialism. He firmly believed that capitalist economics was philosophically divisive.
And for this Bangabandhu in his unfinished autobiography says: ‘I myself am not a communist, but I believe in socialism and I do not believe in capitalist economy. I think of it as an instrument of exploitation.
As long as the economy of the creation of this capitalist remains in the world, the exploitation of the people of the world cannot be stopped. The capitalists are determined to wage a world war for their own interests.
It is the duty of the newly liberated people to work together for world peace. Those who have been in chains of subjugation for ages, those who have been looted by the imperialist powers – need to build their own country and devote all their energy to the economic and political emancipation of the people ‘(p. 234).
Then the word socialism triumphed. Socialism is a romantic term. Bangabandhu has worked not only in the mental world, but also in his personal life to eliminate inequality and for the disadvantaged people of the society.
He lost his student hood due to his involvement in the movement of the fourth class employees of Dhaka University. In the unfinished autobiography we see that the young Mujib took to the streets in protest when the government of Pakistan ignored the logical demands of the Dawals (those who cut paddy as day laborers during the paddy season) and took away their paddy (p. 104). In his prison diary, Bangabandhu wrote about the practice of non-discrimination.
In prison he ate with everyone, as was the custom in his own home: ‘I don’t eat what I eat without them. The same rule is in my house …. Today, there are two twists and turns in the houses of new industrialists and businessmen. Separate for masters, separate for servants.
When there was monopoly imperialism in our country, this system was not available even in the houses of zamindars and talukdars. Today, as the monuments of industrial and commercial civilization have begun to be built on the tombs of feudalism, such a mental change has also begun. This exploitation is worse than the exploitation of feudalism ‘(p. 11).
We have come a long way from what Bangabandhu wanted; It seems to me that what we say and hear today – Bangladesh will be a middle income country in 2030, we will become rich Bangladesh in 2040 – also in dollars.
I don’t think the golden Bangladesh of the father of the nation’s dream was like this. The golden Bengal of the dream of the father of the nation was the Bangladesh of equality. The state in which it is possible to establish the welfare of the working people and the rights of the people through state resources through socialism took place in Bangabandhu’s mind in the 1950s and 60s.
By socialism, he thought mainly of a system free from exploitation and non-discrimination. After his visit to China in 1952, he realized the difference between an equal state and a Pakistani state.
In his unfinished autobiography, he writes: ‘Our difference with them is that their people got to know and feel this country and the resources of this country.
And our people began to understand that the national resources belonged to a special group and that they were nobody ‘(p. 334). Bangabandhu firmly believed that the government had a responsibility to eradicate exploitation and eliminate inequality. Going to China, his faith became stronger.
He sees how feudal land ownership has changed in China, landless peasants have become landowners – ‘Today China is a country of peasant-laborers. The exploiting class is over. ’How the state has eliminated inequality in the basic needs of children’s education by building new educational institutions (p. 230).
We see many dreams now, Bangabandhu did not dream so much. Bangabandhu’s dream was a Bangladesh of equality between rich and poor, men and women, Hindus and Muslims, Buddhists and Christians. Everyone will be in harmony.
Professor. Mizanur Rahman: Vice Chancellor, Jagannath University